Dozens of Nigerian fishermen are feared dead following air strikes by the Chadian military targeting jihadist positions on Lake Chad, according to AFP. Citing a civilian militia member and an official from a Lake Chad fishermen’s union, the report said Chadian fighter jets bombarded two islands believed to be under the control of Boko Haram. At least 40 Nigerian fishermen have been reported missing and are feared drowned in the aftermath of the bombardment. The exact death toll remains uncertain, as military operations continue across the vast waterways and marshlands shared by Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger, and Chad. A militia source said the Chadian military had been carrying out strikes on islands on the Nigerian side of the lake since Friday, following recent attacks on Chadian troops by Boko Haram fighters. The source described “huge casualties” among fishermen operating in the area—many of whom reportedly pay levies to Boko Haram for access to fishing zones. “The bombing was concentrated on the jihadist stronghold of Shuwa Island, where Nigeria, Niger and Chad meet on the lake,” the report said. A fisherman from Baga in northeastern Nigeria was quoted as saying, “Many people were killed.” AFP added that most of the victims were believed to be from Doron Baga, a fishing community along the Nigerian shore of Lake Chad, as well as from Taraba State. “It is not a secret that Nigerian fishermen pay tax to Boko Haram to access remote islands with abundant fish,” a source said. “Boko Haram transports them by boat to these islands and returns them with their catch.” The Chadian military had not issued an official statement on the incident as of the time of reporting. The development comes days after Boko Haram launched two separate attacks on Chadian military positions near Lake Chad, reportedly killing at least 24 soldiers and two senior generals. In October 2024, Chad’s military faced similar accusations after air strikes targeting militants on Tilma Island reportedly killed dozens of Nigerian fishermen.

The federal government has announced a new policy requiring compulsory drug testing for both newly admitted and returning secondary school students across Nigeria. The directive is part of the National Implementation Guidelines Against Drug and Substance Use in Schools, aimed at tackling the growing concern of substance abuse among adolescents. What the Policy Says Under the new guidelines, all newly admitted students will undergo drug tests at the point of entry into secondary school. In addition, returning students will be subject to periodic testing at least once every academic session. The government says the initiative is designed to create a safer and more supportive learning environment by addressing the impact of substance abuse on students’ mental health and academic performance. Zero Tolerance for Drug Use The policy clearly prohibits students from using or possessing narcotics, controlled drugs, or any substance of abuse without proper authorization from school authorities. To enforce compliance, schools are required to set up disciplinary committees. Cases involving violence linked to substance abuse must also be reported to law enforcement agencies. Three-Stage Intervention Process Students who test positive for drugs will go through a structured intervention process: First Test: The student receives counselling and initial treatment within the school system. Second Test: If the student tests positive again, they will be referred to a professional for further treatment and support. Third Test: A third positive result will lead to temporary suspension, allowing the student to undergo rehabilitation under professional care. Students who refuse treatment or rehabilitation may also face temporary suspension until they are deemed stable. Focus on Counselling and Support The policy places strong emphasis on counselling. Students will receive both pre-test and post-test counselling: Pre-test counselling helps prepare students, reduce anxiety, and build trust before testing. Post-test counselling ensures students understand their results and are connected to appropriate support, regardless of the outcome. Addressing a Growing Concern This move comes in response to rising cases of drug and substance abuse among young people in Nigeria. By combining testing, counselling, and rehabilitation, the government hopes to identify at-risk students early and provide the help they need. Overall, the policy signals a shift toward not just discipline, but also prevention and support—aimed at fostering healthier, drug-free school environments.

This question has become a recurring theme in Nigerian political conversations—but it also exposes a deeper issue: many voters don’t fully understand what elected officials are actually meant to do. Understanding the Role A state legislator isn’t expected to singlehandedly “develop” their constituency in the way people often imagine. Their primary responsibility is to represent their people—protecting their interests during lawmaking, influencing policy, and attracting government projects to their area. So, expecting someone earning a modest public salary and imprest to build factories, roads, and stadiums is, frankly, unrealistic. Looking at the Record The narrative that Desmond Elliott has done little for Surulere doesn’t hold up under scrutiny. A detailed 198-page report titled “My Surulere and I So Far” outlines his legislative and constituency efforts, including: 11 motions sponsored 42 motions co-sponsored 2 key bills, including: Lagos State Tourism Promotion Agency Law Lagos State Public Works Corporation Bill Contributions to 32 enacted laws Leadership roles in 4 committees and membership in 12 others Beyond legislation, the report also highlights interventions across infrastructure, healthcare, welfare, sports, and entertainment. By any objective measure, that’s far from inactivity. So Why the Backlash? Here’s where things get political. Surulere, like many constituencies, has multiple elected representatives—from local government officials to senators and the governor. Yet, Elliott seems to bear the brunt of public criticism. Why? From conversations with stakeholders and local observers, a pattern emerges: internal political dynamics may be at play. If Elliott secures another term, he could become a ranking member of the Lagos State House of Assembly—positioning him for more influential roles. That possibility doesn’t sit well with certain power brokers, who appear to favor a different candidate. The “Fresh Faces” Argument A common argument is that after 12 years in office, Elliott should step aside for new leadership. On the surface, that sounds reasonable. But history tells a different story. Femi Gbajabiamila, a political heavyweight from the same area, held office for multiple consecutive terms—six, in fact—and likely would have continued if not for his current national role. So, if precedent allows long-term representation, why is Elliott’s case being treated differently? A Contest of Power, Not Performance What’s unfolding in Surulere looks less like a referendum on performance and more like a classic power struggle. Despite efforts to sideline him, Elliott appears to retain grassroots support. Reports from campaign events suggest his name still resonates strongly among constituents. Attempts to impose a consensus candidate have failed, leading to a competitive primary—something that may indicate shifting dynamics within the party. Final Thoughts At its core, this isn’t just about one politician. It’s about how democracy functions at the local level—how narratives are shaped, how power is contested, and how voters interpret leadership. Is Desmond Elliott perfect? No politician is. But the real question might not be “What has he done?”—it might be “Are we asking the right questions about governance?” As this story continuesh to unfold, one thing is clear: Surulere is witnessing more than a political contest—it’s a test of process, perception, and power.